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Life in Canada

My dad always talked about the 1914 Hillside Mine disaster. My dad’s friend’s grandfather and his two uncles all got killed in that mine. And they were all good friends. They were very close family friends. Other than that, he just said it was a dangerous job, I mean the safety conditions weren’t there. 

Peter Butti, son of an enemy alien, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection

As early as the 1500s, the peoples of the Italian peninsula travelled to find work. However, the mass migration of Italians began after the unification of Italy in 1861. Canada was not the first choice for many Italians during this period.

Between 1876 and 1942, roughly 18.5 million Italians migrated to other parts of Europe, Northern Africa, Australia, and North and South America. The United States was also a primary destination due to greater industrialization and need of labour. Between 1890 and 1920, 14.5 million Italians migrated to the United States. Only 126,000 came to Canada, which needed cheap labour for resource extraction, factory work and construction. As Italians travelled abroad, they brought with them cultural and political practices that had originated in Italy.

Life as a migrant was difficult. Italians were given some of the most laborious and dangerous jobs. They lacked job security and experienced discrimination on and off the job. With low wages, and in an effort to save money, they often lived a frugal lifestyle.

Despite the hardships they faced as migrants in Canada, some Italians went into business for themselves and provided services within their communities and beyond. Medical practices, shoe repair shops, and grocery stores became a staple of Italian neighbourhoods. These were often family businesses with husbands, wives and children working together.

Contracting was another popular vocation. Toronto’s James Franceschini came from humble beginnings and became a millionaire. He established Dufferin Construction and received numerous lucrative contracts, from different provincial governments, to work on road construction and other projects.

He had to be resilient to leave Italy to come to work as an immigré in Canada. There are those who want to escape something. I don’t think it was my father’s case. He came because he wanted to see the world and thought he could make [a] better [life] here than in Italy.

Alessandro Biffi, son of internee A.S. Biffi, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection


He came alone in 1914. He was 18 then because he was born in 1896. He came alone. And the family wanted him to come and make his million and he always said all he ever got was cooties. So he never wanted to go back. He was upset with the way they wanted him to leave and come over here, so he never went back.

Doug Brombal, son of enemy alien Nereo Brombal, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection

During the Risorgimento (Resurgence) – as the process of unification is known – Republican leaders such as Giuseppe Mazzini and Giuseppe Garibaldi made promises to the largely peasant population in order to gain their support. Mazzini and others promised that land would be redistributed, taxes would decrease, and life would improve for all Italians. After unification, however, the life of average Italians did not change much, if at all. Land was scarce and jobs were difficult to find.

The majority of Italians who left Italy were peasant men in their early to mid-twenties. Most left Italy to look for work in order to support families at home. These men sent a portion of their earnings to parents or wives in Italy. In many cases, Italian migrants planned to make enough money to return to Italy and purchase land. However, the realities of working abroad – low wages, high living expenses, and job insecurity – made saving money very difficult.

Women usually migrated in the company of family members. Although they were not engaged in wage labour to the same degree as their male counterparts, women were also labour migrants who contributed to family incomes.

Oh, there was very little [in the way of social activities]. Just home parties and that’s about it. They [would] have an annual picnic every year. Yet they still go on with it where they serve pasta and a lot of Italian food. 

Mary Biollo Doyle, daughter of internee John Oliver Doyle, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection

Because of the store and the location, [my father] was also providing quite a bit of service to those other Italians in the community so that they could write home, because they couldn’t read and write. My father was a representative of the Bank of Naples initially. And he would make arrangements for the physical paper work because most of them that came over were men. And then once they got established, if they were married with children, they would eventually send for their families. And my father at the time would do a lot of the paper work.

Pat Adamo, granddaughter of enemy aliens Francesco and Filomena Guzzo, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection


I didn’t have the leisure time and, you know, the church was our community centre. Absolutely, because we went to church. From there we had the Italian school remember? And from there we had sports. And we had choir. And we had drama. So, it took the place of the community centre. The community centres came in after the church. It was just marvelous. Sacred Heart Church was just, just marvelous. It can never be forgotten really.

Gina Benetti, daughter of enemy aliens Emilio and Angela Sanvido, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection

Migrating Italians often followed relatives or paesani who had already settled in Canada. Building on these relationships, Italian communities were created across Canada. In cities and towns, Little Italies grew – havens from the sometimes hostile Canadian society. In these neighbourhoods, a migrant could speak a specific dialect without having to rely on English, and continue cultural practices established in Italy. In these communities, Italians celebrated holidays, attended church services in Italian, went to Italian restaurants, and shopped in grocery stores that imported Italian foods.

Community Organizations
Italian migrants also formed their own social organizations. The largest was the Order Sons of Italy (OSI) which first appeared in Canada in 1915. Other such groups included the Order of Italian Canadians and the Società di Mutuo Soccorso la Trinacria. For a monthly fee, these organizations provided members with benefits in case of illness or death.  The organizations also held regular fundraising events in support of their work.

Italian Canadian Press
Prior to World War II, the Canadian mainstream press did not report news about Italian Canadian communities. As a result, as early as the 1890s, Italian Canadians established their own press. Newspapers such as Montreal’s L’Araldo del Canada and Toronto’s Il Progresso Italo-Canadese reported on events in Italy and in the Italian Canadian communities they served. These were patriotic publications that supported the Italian government but also helped Italian migrants to integrate into Canadian society. Explicitly fascist newspapers began to appear in the 1930s.

It was really because of my strong sense of patriotism.  I remember the disorder that reigned in Italy at the end of World War II. The country was paralyzed by strikes, farmers spread over the countryside snatching up land, the trains didn’t arrive on time, Italy had fallen in the clutches of socialists who were at the root of our social problems. 

Internee Gentile Dieni on why he became a fascist, Fascism and the Italians of Montreal: An Oral History, 1922-1945

Fascism glorifies the state, nationalism, war, and empire. A right-wing political philosophy, it emerged in Italy towards the end of World War I.

In 1919, some Italians began to seize land and occupy factories in an attempt to assert worker control. As a result, wealthy landowners and industrialists called upon Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti to restore order. When he failed to act decisively on the matter, these elites organized groups known as blackshirts – identified by the colour of shirt they wore. And these bands of blackshirts formed the basis of the Italian fascist movement. As the influence of fascism continued to grow in Italy – most notably after the March on Rome – Italian King Vittorio Emanuele III invited Benito Mussolini, leader of the National Fascist Party (PNF), to form a government in October 1922.

From its beginnings, Mussolini’s authoritarian regime used violence and murder to silence its critics. In 1924, members of the PNF assassinated Giacomo Matteotti, a socialist member of the Italian Chamber of Deputies, because of his anti-fascist speeches. Four years later, all other political parties were outlawed and freedom of the press ended.

The leaders of western countries seemed to ignore these realities. In the midst of the Great Depression, fascism seemed a powerful solution to ailing economies and the threat of socialism. In fact, Italy fared no better than other countries during the 1930s.

In his diary, William Lyon Mackenzie King described Mussolini as “a truly remarkable man of force of genius, fine purpose, a great patriot.” (The Diaries of William Lyon Mackenzie King, September 27, 1928, 271) And in the early 1930s, Winston Churchill called Mussolini the “Roman genius … the greatest lawgiver among men.” (Winston S. Churchill, Volume V: Prophet of Truth, 1922-1939, 456-457)

These positive assessments of Mussolini changed after the invasion of Ethiopia in October 1935. In response, the League of Nations voted in favour of sanctions against Italy. The sanctions were largely ineffective.

I don’t think that they really believed it. I think they just joined an organization … the fascists from Saint-Henri, ninety percent of them were not educated. I think it offered them somewhere to go for a meeting, to get-together, to play cards, to have a drink and talk about their home.

Joe Mastromonaco, son of internee Giovanni Mastromonaco, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection


I swear to execute without discussion the orders of il Duce and to serve with all my strength and if necessary with my blood the cause of the Fascist Revolution.
[The oath that appeared on fascist membership cards, RCMP, The Organization and Activities of the Italian Fascist Party in Canada, Library and Archives Canada]

Sandy Corbo, granddaughter of internee Achille Corbo, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection


I mean, [my grandfather] was proud of Victor Emmanuel. He also believed in what Mussolini was doing for the Vatican and bringing back the states to Rome, which had been confiscated. And that was one of the reasons why he supported them and I know that they had collected all their jewellery and sent it over to Italy to help Mussolini and his endeavour. And I don’t think ever, ever, ever that my grandfather had anything against England or Canada. 

Sandy Corbo, granddaughter of internee Achille Corbo, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection

The meaning of fascism varied for Italian Canadians. Some wore black shirts and were active in a local fascist group known as the fascio. They believed in the political philosophy and supported Italian state interests in world affairs. Others responded to the positive change they felt Mussolini was bringing to Italy – political and economic stability, including infrastructure projects and increasing agricultural output. Among devoted Catholics, Mussolini was also praised for the Lateran Accords.

Italy’s fascist government considered all emigrants as Italian citizens whether or not they had become naturalized in other countries. Due to this policy, Italian consuls and vice-consuls in Canada, actively courted the community, promoting an Italian identity based on fascist propaganda and culture. This included the purchase or construction of buildings called Casa d’Italia and supporting the pro-fascist press in Canada, both financially and editorially. The consuls and vice-consuls also oversaw the Gioventù Italiana del Littorio Estero (Italian Lictor Youth) and the Dopolavoro.

Fascism was not exclusive to Italian neighbourhoods. During the 1920s and 1930s, fascist organizations existed among English, French, and German Canadians. The most well-known fascist leader of the time was Montreal’s Adrien Arcand of the National Unity Party (NUP). Arcand and members of the NUP were also interned during World War II.

Few Canadians suspect that the Italian Foreign Office directs the lives and activities of scores of thousands of Italian-Canadians. Consuls are empowered by Mussolini to appoint officers for the Italian organizations even when these are registered under Canadian laws. Holding power of intimidation through relatives in Italy who are actually hostages, the consuls do pretty well what they please in Italian colonies of at least 50 cities and towns of Canada. They maintain the Casas d’Italia in which they have their offices so as to have an excuse for being in the buildings and under this cover, have headquarters for Fascist propaganda.

Article in NOW, antifascist newspaper, Courtesy of Windsor Community Museum


I raised my hand [to speak], but the consul did not recognize me.  I called him what he was – a coward.  On the platform one of the fascist leaders in Windsor said, ‘If you have the guts, come here and speak.’  I got up as fast as I could and in five seconds I was there. I told the consul what they were – a bunch of killers, liars, and the rest. At my shoulder was a picture of the [Italian] king. I tore it off the wall, crumpled it in my hands, and threw it in the face of the consul. That started a melee. In less than a minute the whole audience was fighting each other.  The fascists retreated into one corner. …  We could hear the police sirens coming. 

Antifascist Attilio Bortolotti on visit of Italian consul to Windsor in 1926, Anarchist Voices: An Oral History of Anarchism in America

Fascist activities did not go unopposed in Italian and non-Italian communities across Canada. Anti-fascists – a general term that included communists, socialists, anarchists, and liberals – disrupted fascist events, exposed the teaching of fascism in local Italian-language schools, and fought battles in the street and in the press.

Within the pages of Toronto’s La Vittoria or Montreal’s Il Risveglio, anti-fascists exposed the dark realities of life in Italy and appealed to democratic Italians in Canada to form a united front against fascism.

Firmly bound together through the inner unity of their ideologies and the comprehensive solidarity of their interests, the German and the Italian people are determined also in future to stand side by side and to strive with united effort for the securing of their Lebensraum [living space] and the maintenance of peace.  In this way, prescribed for them by history, Germany and Italy wish, in a world of unrest and disintegration, to carry out the assignment of making safe the foundations of European culture. 

An excerpt from the Pact of Steel, May 22, 1939

The causes of World War II stem mostly from the outcome of the Great War. The Treaty of Versailles forced Germany to accept responsibility for World War I. Germany agreed to pay large reparations to the Allies, to have its borders shrink and to lose all of its African colonies. This treaty also forbade Germany from rebuilding its military.

However, by the early 1920s, Germany had begun to default on its payments. Its citizens faced a great deal of economic hardship. The country began to rearm itself.

After the Nazis came to power in 1933, Adolf Hitler, Germany’s fascist dictator, wanted to regain the territory Germany had lost in both Europe and Africa as a result of World War I. He also wanted to seize new territories and create a German Empire. In 1938, Austria was annexed to Germany. On September 1, 1939, Germany invaded Poland. As a result, France, Great Britain and the Commonwealth countries declared war against Germany.

In May 1939, Italy and Germany signed a treaty known as the Pact of Steel. Both powers agreed to come to each other’s aid in the event of war. Yet, in September 1939, Italy resisted joining Germany. Mussolini felt he needed more time to prepare the military, the economy and the Italian people themselves for a European conflict. With France on the verge of defeat, on June 10, 1940, Mussolini joined the war on the side of Germany. He believed that the war would end quickly and that Germany would win.