Table of Contents
Becoming the Enemy
Scary times more or less. Intimidation if you ask me. That’s what it was. We slept in the open building on the floor with a blanket and the lights on. At night the guards would walk their way around the entire building. And the soldier with heavy boots. Boom, boom. All night. And I couldn’t sleep.
Internee on his detention at the CNE grounds, Toronto, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
Gloria Costantini Giroux, daughter of internee Giuseppe Costantini, recounting the day RCMP searched the family home, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
We used to have a statue of Mussolini on a pedestal in the living room. So I picked up the statue, hid it under my blouse, or whatever I had on, and ran with the RCMP chasing me. And finally they caught up with me and brought me back to the house with the statue. And they confiscated that. Never saw it again.
Mary Biollo Doyle, daughter of internee John Oliver Biollo, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
My dad was working on the farm that day. He didn’t work much on the farm because we had a hired man. My dad couldn’t work with the coughing he had. But that day he was working out on the farm and the policeman just picked him up and didn’t even let him change his clothes. Not even take a toothbrush. Never said goodbye to all the members of his family. Nothing. They just picked him up and took him to Camp Kananaskis.
In a speech given on the evening of June 10, 1940, Italian dictator Benito Mussolini informed listeners that formal declarations of war had been sent to the governments of England and France. Within minutes, word reached Canadian Prime Minister Mackenzie King. Orders were quickly given to the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) to arrest “persons of Italian nationality and origin who might be … capable of committing sabotage and other acts which would be detrimental to the welfare of [Canada] in the event of a war with Italy.” (Norman A. Robertson, Department of External Affairs, to Ernest Lapointe, Minister of Justice, May 29, 1940, Library and Archives Canada) This included individuals of Italian birth, living in Canada, who belonged to the fascio.
Mussolini’s decision to join the war on the side of Germany had many repercussions for Italian Canadians. Along with mass arrests and internment, many others faced enemy alien designations, loss of work, vandalism, verbal abuse, and violence. Families had to cope with the absence of a parent who was interned. In most cases, this caused a great deal of hardship.
Mass Arrests
Within half an hour of Mussolini’s declaration, police at the federal, provincial, and municipal levels were mobilized and began arresting individuals across the country. Suspects were taken from their place of work, and homes were ransacked by police in an attempt to find evidence.
Once in police custody, Italian Canadians were taken to local jails to await transfer to internment camps. Many had no idea why they found themselves in this situation. They were not told what was going to happen to them.
Under the law
As I observed in another case, the regulations with regard to internment were never intended to be used as punitive measures, but merely for the purpose of preventing disloyal persons from committing sabotage or acts of a subversive character. This is the real issue in this, as in all other cases, and each case must be judged on its own merits, taking into account all the surrounding circumstances.
JD Hyndman to Minister of Justice, February 13, 1941, Library and Archives Canada
Justice Frank Iacobucci, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
You can’t exist without freedom of expression and call yourself a democracy. So, it’s central…What’s the extent of that freedom? It’s always trying to balance the kind of interests. What are the kind of interests in preserving, for example, peace and property interests, people that shouldn’t be arbitrarily destroyed, or causing harm or the possibility or probability of harm. These are tough questions that you have to balance. The point is, dissent and disagreement are essential to the, if you like, organic growth, not just of the law, but of a democracy. But the expression of that, and the means chosen for that dissent, cannot be in violation of the law of the land. And you’re constantly looking for that balance. And you certainly don’t want, in responding to a breach of the law of the land, there are other principles that have to be brought in. In other words, what’s the proportionate response?
The War Measures Act was first introduced by the government of Robert Borden during World War I. The Act gave the Dominion government unlimited powers to ensure that Canada was protected from any internal or external threats that might jeopardize its ability to successfully wage war. This included banning subversive political organizations and suspending foreign-language newspapers. The War Measures Act also allowed for the internment of Canadian residents born in countries or empires at war with Canada.
Over the course of World War I, a number of amendments were made to the War Measures Act. These amendments were later revised just prior to the outbreak of World War II and became known as the Defence of Canada Regulations (DOCR).
The DOCR was introduced in September 1939, prior to Canada’s formal declaration of war against Germany. Once Italy joined the war on the side of Germany, these regulations affected Italian Canadians. It was under the DOCR that the Minister of Justice had the ability to intern any individual suspected of acting “in any manner prejudicial to the public safety or the safety of the state.” Under this regulation, habeas corpus – the need to produce evidence against an internee – and the right to a fair trial were suspended.
The regulations also required certain Italian Canadians – regardless of whether they were Canadian-born or naturalized – to register with authorities and to report on a regular basis.
Under Surveillance
By a recent disposition of the superior authorities, Lieutenant Mancuso, President of the War Veterans’ Association, has been nominated a member of the Directorate of the Fascio of Montreal and has been assigned to the office of propaganda and assistance. We congratulate Lieutenant Mancuso who is a most active element of our community and is always ready to cooperate in all patriotic manifestations.
October 27, 1934, article in L’Italia, referenced in RCMP files, “The Organization and Activities of the Italian Fascist Party in Canada,” Ottawa, 1937, Library and Archives Canada
Rev. Libero Sauro, document, Facts About The Order Of Sons of Italy of Ontario Mutual Benefit Society, Columbus Centre Collection
Although one of fundamental principles of the Order is that it shall be non political, the Organization has been subjected to attempts of political influence. On looking back, one can see clearly, from a distance, how these attempts were planned. In 1934 a Grand Convention was held in Sault Ste. Marie to elect a new Grand Council of the Order. At that time and since, I believe, Italian Consuls attempted to put key men in all the Italian organizations in order to sway the opinions of their members in favour of the fascist regime; the Sons of Italy was not spared. Among the Grand Delegates present at Sault Ste. Marie was a certain Tommaso Mari, journalist, who forsed [sic] his way, I am told, to represent Lodge “Ontario” of Toronto. As I now understand Sabetta should be elected Grand Venerable of the Order, because the then Grand Venerable, Nicola Masi, or any other in the ranks, did not suit him. The Grand Delegates, not being aware of Mari’s scheme elected Dr. Sabetta Gran [sic] Venerable and Tommaso Mari himself Grant Orator; these are the two most important Offices in the Grand Council. Since then, I believe, Dr. Sabetta has always been obliging towards the Italian Consuls.
Justice Hyndman, letter to Minister of Justice Ernest Lapointe, December 3, 1940, Library and Archives Canada
Had the authorities who are responsible for the employment of [Bersani] been aware of his character, I am sure he would not have been taken into their service as a [Secret Agent], as they would never allow the great reputation of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to be sullied
Lists of Italian Canadians to be interned in the event of war had been compiled by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) well in advance of June 1940. In part, this information was obtained by reading the fascist press in Canada. Fascists had attempted to take control of Italian cultural and benevolent societies, such as the Order Sons of Italy (OSI), with the aid of Italian consuls. The reports of the OSI in fascist newspapers painted the entire organization and its members as fascists, but this was not the case.
The quality of the evidence against internees ranged from strong to weak. Some were seen in photographs wearing black shirts while others had more tenuous links to fascist activity, such as playing for a baseball team organized by the Dopolavoro.
Even the internment of active fascists was inconsistent. Montreal’s Gentile Dieni, whose fascist convictions led him to enlist in the Fasci Italiani all’Estero division and fight in Ethiopia, spent more than three years in camp. Yet, Etelvina Frediani, a fiduciary of the Toronto Fascio Femminile, whose fascist activism interfered with her ability to hold down a job, was not interned.
Informants
The RCMP also used informants to identify suspected fascists. These individuals belonged to the Italian Canadian community. Their motivations varied. Some gave information to authorities because of their anti-fascist convictions. Others sought to gain favour for the release of interned family members. In at least one instance, an informant sought revenge against a personal slight.
Enemy Aliens
I believe war was declared in June – June 10. And [my mother] was pregnant with me at the time. There was roughly three weeks where she would have had to report to the RCMP. And they had no cars. There really wasn’t much transportation because I remember when we used to travel up to Copper Cliff later on when we moved to Sudbury, we had to go through mountains to get to a bus. And of course, she was nine months pregnant. And I remember her telling me that Dad went to the RCMP and said, ”This is not acceptable.” So that’s what she had to go through. He didn’t have to report, but she did.
Noreen Alberico, daughter of enemy alien Yolanda Andreoni Gaggi, Sudbury, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
Assunta Dotto, Edmonton, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
I was going to report every month to the RCMP in Edmonton. The RCMP officer said to me, “Why are you coming here every month with that paper?” I says, “Cause I was told from the RCMP in Cadomin.” “Oh”, he said, “Wait a minute.” So he went back. He came back, put a stamp on it. He says, “Don’t come back.” So I guess he realized, you know. I guess I was about 17, 18, by then. What damage could I do?
Not all Italian Canadians considered a threat to Canada were interned. About 31,000 men, women and children were registered as enemy aliens, and they reported monthly to local authorities known as registrars. Appointed by the Minister of Justice, registrars were provincial or municipal police officers as well as postal clerks. Each enemy alien was asked a series of questions, namely age, address, place of work, and number of family members.
It is not clear how authorities decided who would have to report regularly. Those who were released after their initial arrest signed a form stating that they would obey the laws of Canada, not hinder the war effort, and report monthly. Both naturalized and, in some cases, Canadian-born individuals were required to do this.
The process was inconsistent. Some showed up at local police stations only to be told they did not have to return while others had to continue to report. Those who reported monthly were required under the Defence of Canada Regulations (DOCR) to carry an “identification document.” However, the types of paperwork varied. Some carried a Certificate of Parole that was signed by a registrar; others had a registration card that identified them as enemy aliens.
The Internment Camps
In a concentration camp, I saw rich and poor thrown together in a pit of hell. All worried and sad that they had to make amends. I saw people of all sorts — of different languages. I knew them, all good people, disbelieving their sad lot in life. On Sunday, kneeling, we listened to the divine word of Father [Benedetto Basilio] Maltempi, with the hope in our hearts to see family and spouses once again. A small group of friends, learned, comforted each other. All teachers and I, a professor, wanted to be called for our honour. Sad memories of Petawawa.
Emilio Galardo, internee, poem translated from Italian, 1940
We slept in huts and they would sleep about 60, I think. You had two or three big stoves in the middle. And we had it well organized. People that looked after the stove kept the fire going because it got awful cold out there. The cleaning was organized like the army. Who cleans the latrine, who sweep the floors…
Internee on life in the camps, Toronto, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
There were 26 internment camps in Canada during World War II. Italian Canadian males were interned in three camps:
Kananaskis, Alberta
Built specifically for German Canadians in 1939, about 48 Italian Canadians from western Canada were sent to Kananaskis in June 1940. Communists from the region were also interned at this camp. Most of the Italian Canadians were later transferred to Petawawa, in July 1941. Internees Francesco Federici, Federico Ghislieri, Frederick Lenzi and Pietro Ruocco were released from Kananaskis.
Petawawa, Ontario
Built in 1904, Petawawa first served as a military training base. During World War I it functioned as an internment camp for German and Austrian Canadians. In 1939, the camp was used for the internment of enemy aliens. German, Italian and Japanese Canadians were held there at different times during the war. The majority of Italian Canadians from central and eastern Canada were sent to Petawawa in June 1940.
Fredericton/Ripples, New Brunswick
Initially built in July 1940, Italian Canadians still considered a threat by the RCMP were transferred to the Fredericton Internment Camp from Petawawa in July 1942. This camp was the only one of its kind in eastern Canada. The first internees were 517 Jewish refugees who had fled Nazi Germany for the United Kingdom. At the time, Winston Churchill questioned the loyalty of these refugees and sent them to Canada. They would later be released and replaced by German Canadians, and captured German and Italian merchant marines.
Internees: Male
Send me the following: 2 packs of playing cards, milk of magnesia, California ripe olives, Yardley Solidified Brillatine, couple lbs. sliced cooked ham, ½ gallon olive oil if you can get it, vinegar (some of our friends here receive quite a lot of lettuce and other vegetables so we use quite a bit of oil). Also send 2 pairs of winter underwear, 2 pairs of mitts (not gloves). Do not send any more apple juice we do not like. Can you send honey dew? That’s all for now. … P.S. Do not forget 50 packages of cigarettes.
Internee Leo Mascioli in a letter to his son Dan, courtesy of Paula Mascioli, Columbus Centre Collection
Internees were sent to camp by train. On arrival, they handed over any personal possessions and received two sets of summer and winter camp clothing. This included a winter jacket, work boots, wool socks, undergarments, and one light and one heavy cap. The clothing was blue with the exception of a large red circle on the back of each shirt and jacket. These circles served as a sniper target in case of an attempted escape. An internee’s camp pants had a red stripe that ran down the pant leg from the hip to the bottom of the leg. A red stripe was also present on the caps provided to internees. The stripe began at the back of the cap and continued to the edge of the visor.
After an internee had changed into his camp uniform, he appeared before the camp commandant to go over the camp rules. Each group (German, Italian, anti-fascist) within the camp had a spokesperson, who was recognized in this role by the Ministry of Justice in Ottawa, and who was present during the first meeting with the commandant. The spokesperson was the contact between internees and the camp commandant. He gave the commandant’s orders to the internees, held regular meetings with the barracks leaders, and distributed the internees’ mail. In Petawawa and Fredericton, Montreal lawyer Mario Lattoni performed this role. Another lawyer, Vancouver’s Ennio Fabri, was the spokesperson in Kananaskis.
Life at the camp was based on military discipline and was heavily regimented. Internees saluted all officers of the rank of sergeant-major and higher, referring to them as “Sir.”
Work
The internees included labourers, tailors, contractors, priests, doctors, lawyers as well as convicted and suspected criminals.
Internees who were under sixty years old did manual labour or vocational work. Manual labour included road repair, chopping wood used for cooking and heating, and maintaining the camp. Vocational work involved trade or professional tasks. For instance Dominic Nardocchio, a cobbler by trade, repaired the boots of internees and camp guards; and Dr. Luigi Pancaro worked in Petawawa’s infirmary.
Others worked where they were needed. For instance, the camp kitchen was staffed by chefs or cooks as well as others with no experience in food preparation. Internees did not work every day.
Internees were paid twenty-five cents for a day’s work. This money could be used to purchase items from the camp canteen such as toothpaste and cigarettes.
Food
Internees were given three meals each day. Breakfast included coffee, milk, oatmeal, bacon, fruit juice and eggs. Lunch could feature soup, meat and vegetables, and omelettes. Dinners alternated between meat or fish, with vegetables and pasta. Depending on the season, internees also received apples or a salad. Bread was included with all meals. Internees also grew their own food in vegetable gardens.
Living Quarters
Internment camp barracks were wooden, single-storey structures which ranged in size depending on the camp. Each Kananaskis barrack housed 12 internees while those at Petawawa contained 60 internees. The barracks at Fredericton were the largest and had room for 160 men.
The barracks at Petawawa and Fredericton had toilets, sinks, showers, and electric lighting. Oil lamps were used for lighting in the Kananaskis huts, before electricity was introduced, but they lacked plumbing. A common latrine was used by internees at this camp. Regardless of location, the barracks contained wooden tables and benches, and a woodstove for heating in winter. Internees slept on bunk beds with a thin mattress.
Every barrack was assigned a number and was represented by an appointed barrack leader who acted as liaison with the camp spokesperson. Internees had to keep their barracks clean. Barracks were inspected daily by the camp commandant accompanied by military police and the camp spokesperson.
Barracks were organized along ethnic and political lines. Thus, Italians did not bunk with Germans; fascists did not bunk with anti-fascists.
Recreational Activities
Internees were often lonely and bored. Recreational activities were organized during downtime. They watched films, read, played cards and chess. Sports such as hockey, soccer, baseball, and bocce were popular. Beginning in December 1941, to alleviate the internees’ homesickness at Christmastime, an annual Field Day was held at Petawawa. During this Olympic-styled event, internees competed in a variety of sports.
Internees formed bands and held concerts. Instruments were either paid for by internees or donated. Artists such as Guido Casini and Guido Nincheri did coal sketches of fellow internees. Vincenzo Poggi completed sketches as well as paintings while in camp. Internees also made elaborate wood carvings.
Writing Letters/Receiving Mail
Internees were allowed to write three letters and four postcards per month. The maximum length for letters was twenty-four lines and eight lines for postcards. Exceptions were made for those who ran businesses and had to respond to letters from the Custodian of Enemy Property. All camp letters were read by a censor. Contents deemed inappropriate were blacked out with ink. The same applied to incoming mail. Camp letters that were written in Italian were first translated into English before being read by a censor.
Internees were allowed to receive parcels from family members. These packages were searched thoroughly by camp guards before being distributed. Internees mostly received food and clothing.
Receiving mail was an important occasion for internees. For most, letters were the only contact they had with family. In rare cases, family members travelled to Petawawa for a brief meeting with a husband or father.
Internees: Female
I am sending my mother a picture of my son, and I wonder if you could please let her have it. It is the first little grandson she has and I would like it very much if she could have it. Please try and let her have it and If you can’t give it to her send it back to me, as my address is on the outside of the picture.
From the letter written by the daughter of internee Maria Pressello to the warden of the Kingston Prison for Women, Library and Archives Canada
During World War II, 21 women were interned: 17 German Canadians and 4 Italian Canadians. The women were held at the Prison for Women in Kingston, Ontario, and kept in a separate wing known as the Internment Quarters. It was thought that the prison would be more comfortable than a camp. Due to the small number of women internees, the prison was also less costly than constructing a women-only camp.
Women could work in the prison. They were paid for their labour but the amount is unknown. At least one of the Italian women was involved in kitchen work.
Women internees also received letters and care packages from family. Family members could visit the prison, but meetings were limited to 15 minutes and supervised by a guard. If the visit was conducted in Italian, a translator was provided at the internee’s cost.
Women were allowed access to a radio – under strict supervision – in a common area near their cells. Recreational activities included crafts such as knitting, playing Chinese checkers and weekly visits to the prison yard. The prison also had a library. During Christmas, they were given a daily stipend to use towards extra food and entertainment.
PROFILES
Maria Egilda Fontanella
Fontanella had been living in Canada since 1924 and applied for naturalization in 1939. Her application was denied because she had been secretary of Toronto’s Fascio Femminile. Fontanella was 55. She was interned for five months.
Luisa Guagneli
Guagneli arrived in Canada in 1925 and was married that same year. She was 41 years old when she was interned on September 14, 1940. A housewife, Guagneli volunteered her time at the Italian school and was president of the Women’s Section of the Order Sons of Italy in Niagara Falls. These activities led to her five-month internment.
Verna Lo Bosco
Welland’s Verna Lo Bosco was born in Canada in 1911. She worked as a bookkeeper for a local brewery and taught Italian after work. Her teaching led to a fascist-government subsidized trip to Italy in 1938. This trip, and the reporting it received in the pages of the fascist newspaper Il Bollettino, was used by RCMP to justify Lo Bosco’s internment. She spent almost ten months at Kingston’s Prison for Women.
Maria Pressello
Pressello was a 53-year-old widower living in Windsor when she was interned. Of the four Italian women internees, she spent the longest time at the Kingston Prison for Women: almost 13 months. No evidence exists that she was involved in any fascist organizations.
Detained – 9
Fosca Giubilei
Giuseppina Di Ioia
Antonietta Mancuso
Rosa Spinelli
Carmela Frascarelli
Maria Spaziani
Filomena Riccio
Etelvina Frediani
Francesca Olivieri
Those Left Behind: Families and Community
Thank God that my mother had her mother and father here. Otherwise we would have starved or my mother would have had to do something to support us. I don’t know what she could have done because she was not educated. The Canadian government refused to give us any assistance because we were a family of enemy aliens. I don’t understand to this date. My father, my mother, myself, we’re all born in Vancouver. And we were born Canadians. Yet, we were treated like enemy aliens.
Attilio Girardi, son of internee Bruno Girardi, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
I think we were not allowed to go right away. I think it was a year later. And my grandmother, my mother, and myself, we went. And I remember my mother saying to me, “Now listen, when you see your father, it’s a little while he’s in camp. He might be thin. He might not look too well. I don’t want you to make a comment or anything.” We get there [and my father] looks like a flower. He’s just great. And he has a big scab on his right elbow. So my mother said “What happened to your arm?” “Oh,” he said, “we were playing rugby and I fell.” My mother said, “Per la Madonna…” She says, “Here I am in three jobs, working, everything and they’re you know…”
Vladimira Dalle Vedove Tontini, daughter of internee Angelo Dalle Vedove, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
The majority of internees were men with families, and often the sole breadwinners. The assets of most internees were seized by the Custodian of Enemy Property. Bank accounts were frozen. Wives, or other family members, had to request the government’s permission to access funds. The women did whatever it took to make ends meet. They worked as seamstresses, provided laundry and housekeeping services, and took in boarders. In the husbands’ absence, they managed the family business with the government overseeing their activities.
Families had to adjust to the trauma of having a spouse or parent taken away by police with little or no explanation. In some cases, they did not know the whereabouts of their loved ones for weeks. Notification of internment came when internees sent letters from camp.
Families were actively involved in approaching lawyers, priests, and local Members of Parliament in an attempt to have internees freed. There were also those who tried to profit from the suffering of internee families. In Guelph, the father of an internee was asked for a large sum of money to secure a release. Such cases also occurred in Windsor and Montreal.
Italophobia
I remember walking down those steps, and at the bottom of the steps there were three boys. Bigger than me, because I think at that time I was in Grade 6 maybe. So these kids were maybe in Grade 8. When I got to the bottom of the steps, they really began to push me around, punch me. I asked them, “What are you doing?” They said, “Your people are killing our people.” From that day forward, I had a terrible time for a few weeks. Every day I pretty well had to run home from school. My clothes were torn. They beat me up and called me a wop and a dago.
Ed De Toro, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
Doug Brombal, son of Nereo Brombal, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
The word was that they couldn’t hire enemy aliens. And so [my father] went and he’d find jobs. Fortunately our name doesn’t sound Italian and he’d find jobs. But as soon as they found out he was Italian, he’d be out of work again. So most of his jobs were catch as catch can. He worked driving a bulldozer. He worked for a contractor – happened to be an Italian contractor. As a watchman, night watchman. Various things like that, just enough to try and make money to keep things going.
Like other migrant groups, Italians faced discrimination upon their arrival in Canada in the late 19th century. Their language, customs, and foods were strange to the Canadian host society. Italians were stereotyped as overly passionate, violent, and possibly involved in criminal activities.
Following Mussolini’s declaration of war, anti-Italian sentiment was exacerbated. In addition to being labelled enemy aliens, Italian Canadians lost jobs, were physically attacked, and were called racist names. Some Italian stores were boycotted or had their windows smashed.
There was a mixed reaction to the internment within the Italian Canadian community. Some Italian Canadians avoided friends who had an interned family member. Others provided moral and financial support. For instance, store owners provided families with credit and neighbours brought food to those in need.
Even with anti-Italian sentiment at its peak, non-Italians spoke out against the discrimination of Italian Canadians. Articles in Saturday Night magazine questioned the internment of Italian and German Canadians without due process. However, many others wrote that the actions taken against Italian Canadians were justified.
In various cities, Italian Canadians gathered publicly to demonstrate their loyalty to Canada. Those who attended a gathering in Timmins, Ontario, passed a resolution that stated: “The Italian-Canadians … here assembled … re-affirm their undivided loyalty to the land of their adoption and attest their willingness to serve in any eventuality – to fight and die if need be – for the British Crown.” (Timmins Daily Press, June 19, 1940)
Fighting to Belong
During [my father’s camp] interview he sat down with a tribunal [and was told], “You can convince us that you’re not a threat by joining the Canadian army and fighting for Canada.” My dad said, “Fine, I’ll join the army if you guarantee not to send me to Italy because I refuse to fire a rifle at any of my paesani, any of my friends.” They said, “We can’t guarantee you that.” He said, “Good, send me [back] to the camp.
Leonard Tenisci, son of internee Fiorvante Tenisci, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
Joseph Brescia, enemy alien, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
That’s when we joined up the 102nd and we were in the platoon…And they had weekly orders that come up posted and they had posted [I was] to receive a Lance Corporal’s stripe on our jackets. Well when the CCO got a hold of that, he called me in his office and he went up and down me like you wouldn’t believe…I found that moment with the [CCO’s] office most embarassing, deragotory, bad name calling Italian and that he would never give me a Corporal stripe. He didn’t like Italians.
Walter Bula, nephew of internee Giuseppe Paonessa, letter to Mr. McPherson, March 19, 1941, Library and Archives Canada
My Aunt has tried in every way at her disposal to have her husband released, but all her efforts have proven futile, thus I was prompted to write this message to you. Auntie Paonessa is an elderly woman…it makes me feel sick, to see them suffering from such want and privation. I cannot help feeling a little bitter about the whole thing…Sir, being a Canadian and being in the Canadian Army…I can readily understand the detention of anyone who may do harm to this country. But not my Uncle Joe, Sir, he is such a quiet, easy going person, who never spoke anything but of the highest of this country, Canada.
Italian Canadians enlisted in the Canadian military following the declaration of war against Germany. Most were motivated to join because of a sense of duty to Canada. Others sought adventure, an income or simply joined because their friends had done so.
The decision by some Italian Canadians to join the army helped reduce the stigma of being perceived as enemy aliens. Still, anti-Italian hostility continued to exist within the Canadian military.
Male internees in their twenties were asked to prove their loyalty to Canada and regain their freedom by enlisting in the Canadian army. It is not known whether any internees did so. Some refused to join the army for fear of fighting against family and friends in Italy.
Divided Loyalties
Ironically, there were cases where enlisted Italian Canadians had fathers in internment camps. Internee Libero Sauro, for instance, had five sons serving in the war. Even enemy aliens joined the military. Thunder Bay’s Joseph Brescia was still reporting when he began his basic training.
Release
It is an established fact that all disciplined members of the Fascio are at the disposal of the Italian Government and its agents. Therefore, every release from internment will strengthen the hands of the enemy and make the situation with respect to civil and industrial security more precarious in this country.
S.T. Wood, RCMP Commissioner, letter to Minister of Justice E. Lapointe, April 25, 1941, Library and Archives Canada
J.D. Hyndman, Memo to Minister of Justice E. Lapointe, May 1, 1941, Library and Archives Canada
Although on many occasions I have requested the production of some evidence to substantiate unsworn, and even unsigned allegations, with the exception of one of two instances, none has been produced, and against these allegations I have the sworn denials of the parties themselves, as well as evidence of highly placed individuals such as the Clergy, Members of Parliament, Doctors, Lawyers, etc. If the opinions of citizens such as these are not to be relied upon, I am at a loss to know what can be done in connection with this work.
Release from camp occurred in a several ways:
Investigation
Under the DOCR (Defence of Canada Regulations), after 30 days, internees could formally object to their detention to an advisory committee appointed by the Minister of Justice. The Minister of Justice then appointed a judge to review the internee’s case. This meant an examination of the RCMP’s evidence against the internee, meetings with the internee, and interviews with witnesses who could attest to the internee’s character. After this, the judge either recommended an internee’s release or continued internment to the Minister of Justice. One of these judges was J.D. Hyndman, who often requested the release of internees he had interviewed.
The more affluent internees were able to hire lawyers to represent them during their hearings with an appointed judge. Legal counsel was not available to the majority of internees.
Compassionate Grounds
A release on compassionate grounds could occur if an internee was ill, an amputee, or suffered from partial paralysis. Montreal’s Ernesto Alovisi had undergone an operation as part of his cancer treatment prior to being interned. His recovery was affected by life at the camp, and he was released after seven weeks.
Mistaken Arrest
Agostino Badali, a 40-year-old fruit peddler from Toronto, was mistakenly arrested and interned because he shared the same name as a 25-year-old fascist also living in Toronto. Badali had been interned for three weeks before the error was discovered. He was released a week later. In the meantime, the younger Agostino Badali was arrested and sent to Petawawa. He remained interned until December 1941.
In a few cases, released internees were re-interned. However, it is unclear why this happened. It could be that these internees failed to properly follow their release conditions, such as reporting to RCMP before leaving their home city.
Most Italian Canadian internees were released well before the end of the war. The last internee released seems to be Nello Trasciatti, who was freed from Fredericton Internment Camp on July 6, 1945.
The Return Home
I claim damage for injuries sustained to my heart and health and paralysis to my left side for the rest of my life while in the internment camp… You have ruined my health for life. There is no money in the world that can pay for my health. I was an innocent man but you put me in jail and in the camp.
James Poggi, internee, letter to Custodian of Enemy Property, March 29, 1943, Library and Archives Canada
Esperando Razzolini, son of internee Rodolfo Razzolini, video interview, Columbus Centre Collection
My father didn’t mind being out in the woods. They made 20 cents a day… He had his room and board and as long as the family was getting on… He said, “It was two years. My vacation!’”
It is difficult to imagine the emotional toll that the internment had on internees and their families. Homecomings were very emotional with tears, joy, relief and, in some cases, anguish. Internees had to reacquaint themselves with spouses and children they had not seen for one year or longer. After the reunion, families resumed their daily routine – making a living, running a business, raising a family – as best they could.
But many internees suffered. The older ones had to endure long-term unemployment, and often the loss of status as former community leaders. Having to rebuild left some internees bitter about their internment. This anger could play out at home. Some fathers returned from camp stricter and less affectionate. Others returned as shadows of their former selves. Physical changes also occurred with internees having lost weight or seeing their hair turn completely grey.
A minority found their time in camp to be tolerable, making the best of the fact that they were housed, fed and far removed from the daily struggles of life as immigrants. However, the one thing internees had in common was their unwillingness to speak of their internment experiences with their families. They preferred to forget. Some reminisced about time in “the college” with their former campmates. But it was more likely that no discussion occurred on the subject. For many families, internment was a forbidden subject.
